Vermonters for Criminal Justice Reform Fights to Bring Out-of-State Inmates Home From Private Prisons

Vermonters for Criminal Justice Reform’s Suzi Wizowaty joined VT Dept. of Corrections Commissioner Andy Pallito for an excellent talk on Vermont Public Radio about the use of out-of-state prison transfers to reduce prison overcrowding, and the impact it has on inmates, their communities and mass incarceration.

Vermont currently sends over 500 prisoners to private facilities run by Corrections Corp. of America as far away as Kentucky (approx. 765 miles away) and Arizona (approx. 2,162 miles away). But the evidence suggests that these transfers can be devastating to prisoners, who experience further isolation and find it more difficult to maintain meaningful contact with their communities.

Some might rightfully ask that, if advocates oppose a state’s plans to send prisoners elsewhere to reduce overcrowding, does that mean we need to build more prisons at home? Where will all those prisoners be ‘kept?’ Wizowaty avoids this trap and makes clear she does not advocate new facilities. Indeed, the solution to overcrowding is not to send prisoners out of state or build more prisons, but to focus on means of actually reducing the number of people the state imprisons, returning them society. But under this policy of exile, prisoners, families and communities lose, and the prison industrial complex wins.

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Idaho Officials: Missing Inmate Medical Records and $100k Drug Shortage Plagues Private Prison Transition

Idaho Correctional Center

Earlier this year, the AP reported that the Idaho Department of Corrections would retake control of the state’s largest prison from Corrections Corporation of America amid a “decade of mismanagement and other problems at the facility.” That transition is now underway. Today, the Associated Press published new complaints by state officials who say CCA’s poor planning and lack of medical care for inmates has produced ‘challenges,’ offering another possible glimpse into how private prisons cut costs and put inmates’ lives at risk. According to the AP:

Another problem was missing medical records and evidence that some inmates with chronic illnesses weren’t getting the regular medical care they needed, Evans said. The department has asked Corizon to go through the inmates’ records to determine what needs to be done to treat them, he said.

Officials also said the state had to pay for $100,000 worth of drugs to be overnighted after CCA left without a promised 8-day supply of medication. What is truly remarkable here is that CCA tried to defend itself by saying its estimates for the monthly cost of medication were lower than what the IDOC said they needed for just 8 days:

“CCA conducted an inventory with Corizon and determined that there was an adequate supply of medication available at the time of transition,” Owen wrote. “What’s more, CCA’s average monthly cost for medication at the facility was below $100,000, so IDOC’s figure for what we assume are identical medications is far in excess of what an eight-day supply would cost.”

To reiterate, CCA’s estimate of what it would cost to provide inmates with the drugs they need for an entire month was less than what state officials deemed was necessary for ONLY 8 days — so necessary in fact that they paid to have the drugs overnighted to the facility. Furthermore, if CCA is to be believed, it’s worth noting that their figures are derived from consultation with another contractor in the prison industry, Corizon, which itself has a record of prison healthcare mismanagement. The AP’s original report, which prompted an investigation and the state’s take-over of the prison, indicates that the Idaho Corrections Center earned the nickname “gladiator school” under CCA’s management for its high levels of violence. According to that report, prison officials denied inmates medical treatment as a way of covering up the assaults. Once the ICC is back under the state’s control, the prison will no longer be exempt from Freedom of Information Act requests. If these reports from state officials are true, CCA clearly should have never been exempt in the first place.

MuckRock’s “Private Prison Project” and the Need for Transparency

MuckRock announces "Private Prison Project." Here's why it's so badly needed.

MuckRock announces “Private Prison Project.” Here’s why it’s so badly needed.

Last week, Muckrock.com announced it was launching the Private Prison Project: a long-term investigation of the use of for-profit prison companies to accommodate America’s exploding incarceration rate.

According to the website, which helps the public through the process of filing records requests to government agencies, the first step of the Private Prison Project will be to focus on the procurement and execution of private prison contracts:

We’re beginning our inquiry by requesting the contracts that every state has with private correctional prisons and the required corresponding contract monitoring reports. New Mexico has successfully issued fines due to breaches of contract, and it’s likely many others can do the same. We’re after the marketing materials these companies provided and the bids they placed; a questionable study done by Temple University, in part founded by the private prison corporations the study supports, argues that competition between these corporations is a good thing, but monopolies and single bid contracts are not uncommon.

Public disclosure is not just a powerful tool for reform, it’s an essential democratic right that applies to private prison contractors as much as it does the government that hired them to take over some of their work. Incarceration is inherently the duty of government, and just as we expect transparency in government, we should expect transparency from contractors that use taxpayer money to provide identical functions to that government.

If MuckRock is successful, public disclosure would remove the shroud of secrecy that allows private prisons to avoid public scrutiny and resist reform.

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